Issue 2, 2025

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In the present article I analyze the functioning of the marker vari in Jalqan, a variety of Caucasian Tat (Southwestern Iranian). This marker is barely attested in other Caucasian Tat varieties; in Jalqan, however, it is widely used in comparative constructions indicating similarity. In this function it competes with the preposition oqostä, which has a much narrower distribution. I describe the distribution of these two markers, as well as semantic and morphosyntactic aspects of the use of vari. One remarkable trait is the development of clausal functions of vari, in particular a special kind of purpose – the so-called purpose of manner – which is similar to the semantics of Russian tak, čtoby (“so that”). The existence of such similar constructions in structurally distinct and geographically remote languages may suggest the typological relevance of this type of purpose. Furthermore, based on comparative Iranian data I demonstrate that the meaning of purpose in Jalqan has developed directly from manner. Even though such polysemy is previously attested in the literature, cases where the data unequivocally suggest a direct connection between the two meanings are very scarce.

Keywords: Iranian languages, Caucasian Tat, Jalqan, comparative constructions, clause linkage, purpose clauses, manner clauses

For citation: Belyaev O. I. Getting “purpose” from “manner”: The marker vari in Jalqan Tat. Rodnoy yazyk. Linguistic Journal, 2025, 2: 8–56.

DOI: 10.37892/2313-5816-2025-2-8-56

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The present article focuses on one of the ancient Iranian languages, the Avestan dialect used in the Gathas. It draws on the language’s pragmatic aspects and provides a comparative historical perspective with data from modern Iranian languages, including those represented in the countries of the CIS (colloquial Tajik, Pamir (Shughnani), Ossetian, and others).

Certain structural and typological parallels are traced between these languages and the following issues are considered: the prepositive correlative construction with the anlautic ya- ‘which’ in the semantic role of the subject in the Gathas, compared with its structural and semantic parallels in Western and Eastern Iranian languages; the specific features of theme-rheme division in the Gathas, drawing on constructions with a remote component in the colloquial forms of individual Iranian languages; an overview of the communicative function of the ya-construction in the Gathas.

Comparison with other Indo-European languages, including Iranian languages (in Russia and the wider CIS area) reveals a retrospective of the historical and typological evolution of the phenomena under consideration and helps to accumulate a knowledge base regarding the possible close ties of the Gathas with both ancient and modern Iranian languages.

Allusions and references in the Gathas to the Rigveda provide grounds for considering the cycle of hymns dedicated to Indra as the starting point of Zoroaster’s ref lection and his revision of the archaic religious consciousness of the Indo-Iranian community.

Keywords: Iranian languages, Avesta, Gathas, Tajik, Ossetian, Shugh­n ani, Zoroaster, vocabulary, semantics, syntactic structures, ya‘which’

For citation: Vinogradova S. P. On the syntax of Zarathushtra’s Gathas in terms of pragmatics. Rodnoy yazyk. Linguistic Journal, 2025, 2: 57–86.

DOI: 10.37892/2313-5816-2025-2-57-86

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The present paper examines proverbs in several Iranian langua­ges that feature a unique type of verbless sentence. Methods of analysis developed for Persian verbless predicative structures are applied to data from the Mazanderani, Gilaki and Tajik languages.

The structures of verbless sentences that are contained in the proverbs in these Iranian languages ​a re characterized by the absence of a copula and ellipsis. The absence of a verbal part enhances the style of the utterances, lending them additional expressiveness.

The unique style of the proverbs focuses the listener’s attention on the message, lending it greater weight and making it more persuasive. Such proverbs are built on a familiar linguacultural image and, the­refore, their language can be more concise.

In the construction of such verbless paroemias in different languages, we detect a number of features, such as presence of nominal parts of speech, which have the so-called “built-in predicativity” and cannot be combined with other predicative indicators, such as personal forms of the verb; within complex phrases, the components may be connected by a coordinating enclitic conjunction, or the connection can simply be implied. A significant number of two-member phraseological units contrast the first clause with the second.

Keywords: phraseology, phraseological units, information structure, predicativity, ellipsis, paroemiological data, verb

For citation: Ivanov V. B., Dodykhudoeva L. R. The information structure of phraseology: Mazanderani in correlation with Persian and Tajik. Rodnoy yazyk. Linguistic Journal, 2025, 2: 87–114.

DOI: 10.37892/2313-5816-2025-2-87-114

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The present article summarizes etymological research on Aryan borrowings in the Burushaski language, conducted by the author over the last several years. According to this research, a very large part of Aryan elements cannot be derived from any of the traditionally identified donor languages (i. e. Shina, Khowar, Urdu, Persian and East Iranian Pamir languages). The borrowing of such lexemes must date back to the period before the split of the Proto-Burushaski state and the divergence of the Yasin dialect and Burushaski proper. It is also demonstrated that this “pan-Burushaski” segment of the Aryan lexical stratum is not etymologically homogeneous. At least two different layers should be distinguished, each possessing its own historical-phonological peculiarities. The historical phonology of one of these layers features greater archaism, whereas that of the other is more innovative.

The author hypothesizes that the source of loanwords with innovative phonology may have been an Aryan (most probably, Dardic) dialect spoken in the present-day Ladakh before this area was conquered by Tibetans in the 8th century CE. Such a possibility is supported, inter alia, by the fact that quite a number of Aryan words are common for Burushaski and northwestern Tibetan dialects.

Keywords: Burushaski language, Aryan languages, Dardic languages, Tibetan dialects, language contact, lexical borrowing, etymology

For citation: Kogan A. I. Aryan loan vocabulary in Burushaski in light of recent etymological research. Rodnoy yazyk. Linguistic Journal, 2025, 2: 115–131.

DOI: 10.37892/2313-5816-2025-2-115-131

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The most important task of Slavic etymology studies is to reconstruct the full stock of Slavic etymological families. At the present time, this is being in significant measure furthered by including vocabulary from Slavic dialects in the research program. One such step towards reconstructing a complete paradigm of the Slavic verb *ryti is presented in this article’s interpretation of the etymology of two verbs found in non-standard dialects of Russian.

These are the verbs uzrýdit’sya ‘to open up’ and výrydat’ ‘to grow’. Both are exclusive ref lexes of the verb stem *ryd- that belongs to the Proto-Slavic family *ru- / *ry- / *rъ(v)- / *rov-, going back further to Indo-European *reu- ‘tear, dig’ with the determinative -d-. On the basis of these Russian dialectal verbs, the original semantics of sporydát’ ‘to rise (of the sun)’ is explained as ‘to spread upwards and outwards’.

Keywords: Proto-Slavic, etymological reconstruction, verb family, Russian dialect verbs

For citation: Varbot Zh. Zh. Russian dialectal rýd- ‘to tear, dig’ and sporydát’. Rodnoy yazyk. Linguistic Journal, 2025, 2: 132–137.

DOI: 10.37892/2313-5816-2025-2-132-137

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The Middle Persian sumb {swmb’}, Classical Persian sumb, Modern Persian som(b), and Tajik sum ‘hoof’ are traditionally etymologized as deriving from Proto-Iranian *śapʰa- < Indo-Iranian *ćapʰa- < PIE *ḱoph₂ó-, cf. Avestan safa ‘hoof’. However, it is evident that these forms, as well as Kurdish sim, simūtk ‘hoof’, are phonologically irreconcilable with the Avestan and other Iranian forms that regularly continue the proto-form *śapʰa-. This discrepancy necessitates the postulation of nasalization and a specific Western Iranian reflex *pʰ > b for this root. Concurrently, it appears plausible not to separate Classical Persian sumb¹ ‘hoof’ from sumb² ‘hole, aperture’, but rather to consider them homonymous derivatives of the verb *śu(m)b/p- ‘to pierce, to perforate, to bore’ (cf. Middle Persian suftan, sumb- {swptn’, swmb-} ‘to pierce, to bore’). This scenario putatively presupposes interference from a lost ref lex of Proto-Iranian *śapʰa-. The semantics of ‘making a hole’ is closely associated in Indo-European languages with meanings such as ‘to stab, to strike, to pierce’, which proves that one of these meanings can be primary for the verb in question, *śu(m)b/p-. A remarkable semantic parallel is found in the Proto-Slavic root *kopyto ‘hoof’, which derives from the verb *kopati, itself from ‘to stab, to poke; to dig’ (cf. the derivative *kopьje / *kopьja ‘spear’). The semantic correlation ‘weapon, device’ ~ ‘hoof’ is also attes­ted in Ancient Greek, cf. ὁπλή ‘hoof’ ~ ὅπλον ‘tool, weapon’.

The presented arguments support the conclusion that the West Iranian forms denoting ‘hoof’ may directly descend from the Proto-Iranian verb *śu(m)b/p- ‘to pierce, to perforate, to bore’.

Keywords: etymology, Iranian languages, Slavic languages, Persian language, Proto-Iranian, designation of the hoof in Iranian languages

For citation: Trofimov A. A. On the Etymology of Classical Persian sumb, Modern Persian som(b), Tajik sum ‘hoof’. Rodnoy yazyk. Linguistic Journal, 2025, 2: 138–152.

DOI: 10.37892/2313-5816-2025-2-138-152

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The present article analyzes the basic vocabulary (Swadesh list) of two closely related languages of the Shughni-Rushani subgroup of the East Iranian group of languages. The lists were collected by the authors using the elicitation method during field research in the summer of 2025. Special attention is paid to borrowings from Tajik, as well as to areal vocabulary. The Shughni basic vocabulary list contains 36 borrowings from Tajik, while the Bartangi basic vocabulary list contains 33 borrowings from Tajik. Based on the data obtained, it is concluded that the Tajik language has had a significant impact on the small, unwritten languages of the Pamir, and that this influence has intensified in recent decades. Most of the analyzed lexemes are accompanied by etymological comments. There are few visible differences between the two languages, and only two differences can be identified between the native lexemes of the two languages. It is likely that there could be more differences if it were not for the significant number of Tajik borrowings that are present not only in the Shughni-Rushani languages, but also in other Iranian languages of the Pamir region.

Keywords: Shughni, Bartangi, Tajiki, Pamir languages, basic vocabulary

For citation: Armand E. Ye., Badeev A. O. A basic vocabulary list of the Shughni and Bartangi languages. Rodnoy yazyk. Linguistic Journal, 2025, 2: 153–175.

DOI: 10.37892/2313-5816-2025-2-153-175

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This article is devoted to the Ossetian language and examines the name of the highland village of Dærg’ævs (Dargavs) in North Ossetia, which was formerly the ancestral seat of the Ossetian feudal lords of Tægiatæ. This explains the particular interest shown in its ori­g in by several generations of Ossetian scholars (such as B. A. Alborov, T. A. Guriev, A. D. Tsagaeva, Dz. Chsiaty, V. I. Abaev, and others). The name has long attracted the attention of scholars and has sparked li­vely debate in the scientific community.

The article examines the etymology of this toponym in detail. The author critically examines previously proposed versions of the name’s origin, noting that many of them face serious problems, such as inconsistency with the rules of historical phonetics of the Ossetian language or contradictions with known historical facts. Based on a thorough analysis of linguistic materials, the author comes to a new conclusion – the name Dærg’ævs consists of two components: the first part, dærg’-, meaning ‘long,’ and the second part, -ævs, a disused form that can be compared to the Old Iranian root *apšah- / afšah-, meaning ‘chest’ or ‘up­per body.

Keywords: North Ossetia, toponymy, etymology, Old Iranian languages

For citation: Dzitstsoity Yu. A. On the Etymology of the Ossetian oikonym Dærg’æs. Rodnoy yazyk. Linguistic Journal, 2025, 2: 176–181.

DOI: 10.37892/2313-5816-2025-2-176-181

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The primary objective of this article is to provide an etymological analysis of four words in the argot of the formerly nomadic Hissar Jugi of Tajikistan. The words čok- ‘to seek (a road), to wander’, čung- ‘to know, to see’, and šamul ‘pilaf’ are identified as Indo-Aryan, whereas dela ‘dwelling, house, tent’ is seen as a word of Semitic origin. The latter must have entered the secret language most likely through one of two routes: one through the Persian language and the other directly from one of the Semitic languages spoken on the Iranian plateau. Words of Indo-Aryan origin show the devoicing and deaspiration of consonants, which are typical of the northwest of the Aryan language area, with the resulting voiceless affricate sometimes alternating with a homorganic fricative.

The Semitic etymology of dela and its related New Indo-Aryan lexemes (ḍerā, derā) is preferred to an Indo-Aryan one because no Old or Middle Indic cognates are known, whereas the Semitic root is semantically reliable. A possible phonetically based counterargument is dealt with by explaining the processes that led to the retrof lexivisation of the stop in the ḍerā/derā lexical group. All three words identified as Indo-Aryan are on the periphery of the lexical history of the language group.

The linguistic section is preceded by a brief ethnological overview. Its purpose is, firstly, to show the historical connection of the Jugi people with the Indian subcontinent as a starting point for the etymological analysis and, secondly, to describe their place among similar argot-speaking Central Asian and Middle Eastern groups.

Keywords: Jugi, Lyuli, Central Asian Gypsies, nomadic groups, Indo-Aryan languages, Iranian languages, Semitic languages, etymology, borrowing

For citation: Oranskaia T. I. Etymologies of four words in the Hissar Jugi argot. Rodnoy yazyk. Linguistic Journal, 2025, 2: 182–204.

DOI: 10.37892/2313-5816-2025-2-182-204

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An analysis of the etymology of Iranian words for ‘body’ (Middle Persian tanwār, Parthian tnbʾr, Sogdian tnpʾr, Khotanese ttarandara-) and ‘animate, living being’ (Khot. uysnora-, Tumshuqese usanävara-, Sogd. wʾtδʾr, Parth. gyʾnbr, New Persian ǰānvār, ǰāndār) leads to a discussion of some unusual features of compounds in Sogdian and Khota­­ne­se. The unexpected phonology of Sogd. tnpʾr, tmbʾr, later tmʾr, is ex­plai­ned as exemplifying a type of compound with a first element in the accusative governed by a second element derived from a transitive verb, as attested in both languages by examples such as Sogd. šyrʾnkʾrʾk, Khot. śäraṅgāra- ‘beneficent, spiritual friend’ and its antonym Sogd. δrγwʾnkʾrʾk, Khot. dīraṃggāra- ‘evil-doing’ as well as by Khot. ttaran­dara- ‘body’.

Khot. dīra- ‘weak, bad’ was originally a -u-stem *drigu-, while the first element of ttarandara- was originally a -ū-stem *tanū-. Thus these compounds illustrate a morphological rule whereby the compound vo­wel -a- replaces an earlier -u- or -ū-, while other Khot. compounds demonstrate that the compound vowel -a- can also replace an earlier -ā- or -i-.

Keywords: Iranian words for ‘body’, Iranian etymology, Middle Iranian compounds

For citation: Sims-Williams N. Middle Persian tanwār ‘body’ and its cognates. Rodnoy yazyk. Linguistic Journal, 2025, 2: 205–212.

DOI: 10.37892/2313-5816-2025-2-205-212

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The present article is devoted to minority languages and dialects that function in remote, inaccessible, isolated areas. Currently, this inaccessibility has been overcome in Europe, but it has left its mark on the history of languages, as well as on the linguistic situations in which these languages function today. Romance languages that are spoken primarily in mountainous areas have a high level of variation (e. g., Ladin in northeastern Italy; Romansh in Switzerland; Corsican). In the mountains, the language varieties are usually distributed across valleys, while within the valleys, separate dialects can form in the higher upper part and in the flatter lower part. Along with the natural conditions of isolation, weak economic development, lack of cities and a difficult social situation in the region have all been contributing factors. An additional point could be the religious isolation of native speakers along confessional lines. There is a twofold result: on the one hand, isolation contributes to the preservation of archaisms in the language and prevents the diffusion of changes originating in central areas; on the other hand, languages and dialects that have developed autonomously under conditions of limited contact form their own, sometimes innovative, structural features.

Keywords: minority languages, language contact, isolated areas, linguistics of mountainous areas, linguistic archaisms and innovations

For citation: Chelysheva I. I. The “after-effects” of inaccessibility in the history of minority languages and dialects. Rodnoy yazyk. Linguistic Journal, 2025, 2: 213–233.

DOI: 10.37892/2313-5816-2025-2-213-233